Course: Foreign Policy of Pakistan-II (4662) Semester: Autumn, 2021
Q.1 Critically examine Pakistan’s relations with the Muslim World in the light of Pakistan’s policy of using Islamic ideology as a tool to achieve the foreign policy objectives.
Its not simply in the post independence period that Pakistan started pursuing cordial relations with the Muslim World, Pakistan heritage shows that Muslims of this region had great interest in and concern for Muslims living in any part of the World. You could find in the pre-independence period that the Muslims of this region and the ML that led the independence movement always supported the Muslim cause else where.
Foundation of Pakistan’s relation with the Muslim World
Multilateral relations with the Muslim World
Bilateral relations or you could say country to country relationship
First of all we will take up the first part and that is the foundations of Pakistan’s relations with the Muslim World and why Pakistan attaches great importance to its relations with the Muslim World that is the issue that will be dealt with in the first part of the lecture. As I have said that Pakistan assigns prime importance to its ties and relations with the Muslim World. Pakistan is an advocate of Pan-Islamism in the International system that is greater unity, greater cooperation amongst the Muslim states so that they can affectively project and protect their interests.
Another consideration s support to Muslim causes at the International level whether you are talking of international forums or bilateral levels Pakistan has supported Muslim causes at any level in the World. The Muslims of the sub-continent have deep-rooted affiliation with the Islamic countries on the basis of religion. They demonstrated this zeal of brotherhood on many occasions. From the days of Pakistan movement, Muslims of India followed the traditional policy with the Muslim World. Pan-Islamism and Islamic values were the strongest motives behind the demand of a separate Muslim state. So after the partition, they always preferred close bilateral relations with the Muslim countries.
Another aspect relates to Pakistan’s relations with the Muslim World on country to country bases or what we call bilateral levels, when Pakistan conducts its relations with individual Muslim country. If you look at the constitution of Pakistan you find that one of the principles of policy urges the govt to maintain and pursue close and cordial relations with the Muslim World. So in other words it is imperative from constitutional perspective for the govt of Pakistan to maintain and pursue close and friendly relations with the Muslim World. Its not simply in the post independence period that Pakistan started pursuing cordial relations with the Muslim World, Pakistan heritage shows that Muslims of this region had great interest in and concern for Muslims living in any part of the World. You could find in the pre-independence period that the Muslims of this region and the ML that led the independence movement always supported the Muslim cause else where. After independence this became a permanent and regular aspect of Pakistan’s foreign policy.
So, we can say that the principles of policy in all the constitutions carry special attachment for Muslims and their heritage. The love for Muslim brotherhood continued during and after the independence.
Now we move on to the second aspect of today’s lecture that deals with multilateral relations that is the relations of Pakistan with other countries that involve several countries at the same time. In the multilateral domain, we can talk about Pakistan’s support for the de colonization of the Muslim World.
Support for Independence:
After becoming independent Pakistan championed the cause of liberation of those Muslim states that were under foreign control or domination and in this connection we can talk about Pakistan’s full moral support for the independence of Indonesia, Tunis, Morocco, Algeria, Libya, Sudan and Eritrea. You would remember that Algerian freedom movement went on for a long time and Pakistan was a great supporter of their freedom movement and when Algeria became independent Pakistan welcomed this positive change that another Muslim country had become independent and sovereign.
Second issue that can be raised here is the Pakistan’s support for the Palestinian cause. There is a consistency and continuity in Pakistan’s support to the Palestinian cause. Pakistan, being a Muslim state, always sided with the national rights of the Palestinian people. It strongly supported the independent Palestinian state. This support goes back to the pre-independence period when ML passed resolution after resolution in support of the Palestine issue and after independence the state of Pakistan has been an ardent and an active supporter of the Palestinian cause at all levels. Sharing grievous concern over the atrocities inflicted on the Muslims, it condemned the Israeli policies. And Pakistan has criticisized time and again quite bitterly the atrocities that Israel commits against the Palestians from time to time. Pakistan supported their right to have sovereign and independent state.
Organization of Islamic Conference:
Third we can talk about OIC which is a manifestation of the Muslim World and a concept of Pan-Islamism. Organization of Islamic Conference is the largest Muslim forum in the world. Pakistan was very active in creating this forum and it had remained associated with the OIC right from the beginning of this organization Pakistan was among the 51 Muslim nations which attended the inaugural session in Rabat (1969). Its second conference was held at Lahore in 1974, its session held at the city chambers in the city of Lahore which was a matter of great honour and pride for Pakistan that the heads of states, govts and the top leaders of the Muslim World were present in Pakistan for sometime. Pakistani desired to make it an effective forum to address the political, economic, technical, scientific matters. The OIC has repeatedly extended support to Pakistan on Kashmir. It had passed resolutions demanding that the people of Kashmir should be given their right to decide their political future. One Pakistani had served as the secretary general of OIC
RCD and ECO:
Fourth important area in the multi-lateral field is RCD (Regional Cooperation for Development) and ECO (Economic Cooperation Organization). RCD was set up in 1964 and this included Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, It worked in the area of economic trade, cultural and related fields. However, this organization became in active in 1979. In 1985-86 Turkey, Iran and Pakistan decided to set up ECO its objectives were very similar to the RCD. However, a significant development was that in 1992 6 other members were added to the ECO when Afghanistan and five Central Asian Republics, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan joined it. This means that now ECO has 10 members 3 original and others who joined later on and these members are trying to promote greater economic, trade technological and cultural cooperation and exchanges amongst the members.
Economic Assistance and Investment in Pakistan from the Middle East:
Some of the Middle East Countries had been extending economic cooperation to Pakistan from the beginning, trade relations were there from the beginning. From 1972 this relationship, economic relationship, economic assistance, economic cooperation, investment extended rapidly. Some of the Middle Eastern Countries like Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Iran, UAE and Libya provided economic assistance to Pakistan in the 70s and in the 80s. These countries also made investment in Pakistan primarily in the 70s and some assistance in the 80s. Their economic assistance and cooperation contributed to Pakistan’s economic development and stabilization in the 70s and the 80s.
Further more; Pakistan extends military training facilities to the number of the Gulf States and other Middle Eastern States in Pakistani institutions. Pakistan military personnel retired and serving also go these countries for different trainings and staff appointments. We all know another dimension of relationship between Pakistan and the Middle Eastern States that is thousands of thousands of Pakistanis are employed in different states of the Gulf region and other Middle Eastern Muslim states and from these states these Pakistanis working there send part of their earnings back home and this becomes an important source of earning, foreign exchange earning for Pakistani state. In this way Pakistanis living abroad especially in the Middle Eastern region are playing a significant role in Pakistan’s economy.
This relationship is very important for Pakistan and if there is a crises in the Middle East this adversely affects the trade between Pakistan and the ME and also those Pakistanis who are living and working there and their dependents in Pakistan who get their financial support from these countries from their own family members.
Rights of Muslim Minorities in different counties:
There is another dimension at multilateral level that pertains to the rights and issues of Muslim minorities in different countries of the World. Muslims are living as minorities that is where majority community is Non-Muslim. The rights and interests of Muslim minorities living in other countries is a matter of interest for Pakistan and its people. Usually Pakistan operated through the organization of Islamic Conference which monitors the rights and interests of the Muslims living in Non-Muslim majority areas.
Now we move on to the third part of our lecture today which deals with country to country relationship that is Pakistan’s bilateral relations with individual Muslim countries. It is not possible to discuss all the details of this relationship with all Muslim countries. Pakistan has good relations with all the Muslim countries but we will highlight Pakistan’s relations with some of the Muslim countries so that you have a fair idea of the nature of relationship and the kind of interaction that takes place between Pakistan and different Muslim countries.
Let’s take up Saudi Arabia first, this has been an important relationship which is characterized by continuity of cordiality going back to the early years of Pakistan. The two countries Pakistan and Saudi Arabia shared views on major international and regional issues. Both countries consult each other on regional and international issues from time to time. They work together on Organization of Islamic Conference. Saudi Arabia supported Pakistan in all its wars with India and its position on Kashmir is supportive of Pakistan. Saudi Arabia being sacred country is a centre of the Muslim ‘Ummah’.
Saudi Arabia and Pakistan have an extensive economic relationship that expanded rapidly after 1972. Saudia had always provided economic assistance and loans to Pakistan and it had also invested capital in Pakistan in various projects. An important aspect of relationship is oil supply to Pakistan from Saudi Arabia. Since 1998 SA had been supplying crude oil to Pakistan on deferred payment bases which mean that you get the oil now but you make the payment of its price later on gradually. This has help to ease economic pressure on Pakistan and Pakistan has been able to obtain oil. SA is the biggest oil supplier to Pakistan at the moment. This relationship is going to expand over the years because both have been expanding the area of cooperation for example latest addition to this cooperation is counter terrorism that is both are cooperating to contain terrorism in the region.
UAE, Kuwait and other Gulf States:
The second important relationship is with UAE, Kuwait and other Gulf States. As a matter of fact Pakistan maintains very cordial and friendly relationship with all Gulf States and Pakistanis are based in all these states. They are working there and contributing to the economy of these countries. These countries and States have close and cordial relations with Pakistan. The new era of economic relations has set in after the Gawadar port was built. These countries have been providing economic assistance and investment in Pakistan. UAE had established hospitals and Islamic centers in some of Pakistani universities where students get knowledge and instructions about Islamic studies and related subjects. I may mention here that the kingdom of Umman have a large no. of Pakistanis living there, it recruits its people in Baluchistan from its army from time to time. So there is a special relationship between this kingdom and Baluchistan. The ruling families of these states make official and personal visits to Pakistan. So far as QATAR is concerned the relations are cordial and friendly. There is a plan under consideration that a gas pipeline from Qatar to Pakistan and if this project is implemented then the economic ties of both the countries would deepen.
Pakistan maintains good and cordial relations with Iran. Iran is a neighboring state with long historical and cultural ties. Iran had another distinction. Iran was also the first country which extended formal recognition to Pakistan that is Iran was the first that recognized Pakistan. Iran’s King was also the first head of state who visited Pakistan after it came into existence. Pakistan and Iran had worked together in different organizations; both had joint arrangements in regard to CENTO which was earlier called as the BAGHDAD PACT, RCD, and ECO in addition to other global organizations where they are partners. Iran supported Pakistan in the wars with India. It stressed on liberty of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Pakistan welcomed the Iranian Revolution of February 1979. However in the initial years of the revolution the relations were rather at low key. Firstly because Iran was busy in its internal affairs, secondly Iran had some reservations over the strong ties of Pakistan with the United States at that time. However since the mid 80s the relations have been revived and Iran and Pakistan have gradually become close friends and partners with lot of exchanges and visits at different levels. In fact, 3 Iranian presidents have visited Pakistan since the revolution. In January 1986, president Khamani visited Pakistan later he became the Rahber n Iran. The 2nd president who visited Pakistan was Ali Akbar Rafsanjani who visited Pakistan in March 1997. The 3rd Iranian president who visited Pakistan was president Khatmi who visited Pakistan in December 2002. From Pakistan side there have been similar important visits. Currently there is a project under consideration for constructing a gas pipeline from Iran to Pakistan and then from Pakistan it will go to India and if this project is materialized naturally the relations would further expand in the economic domain.
Turkey is another Muslim country with a long history of close and cordial relations with Pakistan. Turkey had stood by Pakistan in all kinds of situations in wars or in peace Turkey has supported Pakistan. On Kashmir Turkey has supported Pakistan and called for a peaceful resolution. If Turkey had been supportive of Pakistan then Pakistan has also supported in all kinds of situations especially on the Cyprus issue. In Cyprus people of Turkish origin or you can say that Turkish Cypriotes were a minority and there was a problem of their rights and interests in Cyprus. In 1974 Turkey landed its troops in Northern Cyprus and Turkish Cypriotes established their own separate entity. Pakistan has been supportive of Turkey and Turkish Cypriotes for this problem and Turkey had appreciated that gesture. There have been high level civil and military visits, in fact their top military leaders visited Pakistan and Pakistani top military leaders responded to that and go back to Turkey for similar visits. Both have great contribution in the multilateral arrangements of CENTO, RCD, ECO, etc.
Egypt Pakistan relations are normal and cordial; currently they exchanged views on regional and international issues. However in the past in the 50s and 60s there was a problem in Pakistan’s relation with the Egypt. Egypt under Nasser had some reservations due to Pakistan’s ties with the West. Pakistan supported Egypt when it was attacked by Israel in 1956, 1967, 1973. The relations began to improve and the cordiality has increased since 1967 and especially after the death of Nasser in 1970.
Libya’s head of state Col. Qazzafi has been a great well wisher and supporter of Pakistan. He and his govt extended valuable support to Pakistan in the 70s, this support was not only diplomatic support but also economic support and in the 70s Libya invested in Pakistan. When in 1986 American army launched air raids on Libya Pakistan despite its close ties with America condemned American air raids on Libya, We can look Pakistan and Libya relations in another dimension since the 70s Pakistani military and civilian retired personnel have been doing job and employment in Libya and this has been an important bond between the two countries. Now the Libya is overcoming its problems with the United States Libya Pakistan relations are becoming friendlier and activated.
Jordan is another example of cordiality and friendship. King Hussein had special regard for Pakistan and throughout his rule he supported Pakistan. He worked for close relation with Pakistan. He supported us on India-Pakistan issues. Now his son King Abdullah continued with this tradition, tradition of friendship, cooperation and supportive to Pakistan on different issues. Both have an arrangement of cooperation in the military relationship and since the mid 60s Pakistani military personnel were based there in different capacities for training purposes, which strengthened the relationship between Pakistan and the state of Jordan. Both have trade and diplomatic exchanges. Pakistan supported Jordan on all international issues especially in its problems with Israel.
Afghanistan is a neighboring state. At the moment Pakistan has good and friendly relations with Afghanistan but if we go back especially to the early years of independence we do find problems in the relationship. It was mainly because of the govt of that time questioned the legitimacy of the Durand Line that is the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan, and laid claim Pakistani territory on the name of Pakhunistan. It sided with the ‘Pakhtunistan’ issue and created problems for Pakistan, but as this issue was pushed to the background with the passage of time, relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan improved. No matter what was the relationship between the govt of Pakistan and Afghanistan in the early years the relationship at the common person level or at the individual level was always cordial. Afghanis are coming into Pakistan and Pakistanis are going into Afghanistan that has always been the features. The Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan in December 1979, Pakistan opposed the Soviet intervention and supported the resistance against the Soviet Union which gave birth to the Mujahideen groups, Taliban. Pakistan supported the Taliban govt in Afghanistan but in Sept 11, 2001when the regional and international environment changed Pakistan withdrew support to the Taliban, because incident in America concluded major changes in the world diplomacy. Pakistan got involved in global efforts to contain terrorism. After Taliban, Karzai government took responsibility of Afghanistan’s reconstruction. Pakistan extended all kinds of economic and technological assistance to the Karzai govt for reconstruction and rehabilitation of Afghanistan. The interest of Pakistan is that a friendly neighboring country should stabilize, overcome its problems so that the refugees that are there n Pakistan can go back to their homes in security and they might have better future there.
Bangladesh came into existence in December 1971 in a situation which created a lot of bitterness in Bangladesh against Pakistan and in Pakistan against Bangladesh. So in the initial years there was a lot of bitterness between the two countries. Bangladesh was East Pakistan but the internal instability and external conspiracies gave birth to Bangladesh. Pakistan had initially bitter relations but recognized it in February 1974 and from that time its relation with Bangladesh have gradually improved. Despite the fact that in the initial years both the countries have complaints against each other. In the present day context countries have cordial relations, trade has improved and the visits of senior official and political leaders has been there. Both worked together within the framework of SAARC, OIC. With the passage of time the relations of both these countries are going to expand.
Other Muslim Countries:
Then there are other Muslim countries with which Pakistan has good and friendly relations. I can mention some of the names Indonesia, Malaysia, and then there are Muslim countries in Africa like Algeria, Tunis, Morocco and Sudan. With all these countries I have named Pakistan has close and cordial relations. This reflects Pakistan’s effort to maintain close relations with the Muslim World which is an important feature of Pakistan’s foreign policy. This reflects the aspiration of the people of Pakistan who have been great supporter of Pakistan’s relations with the Muslim countries. Whenever there is a problem in the Muslim World the people of Pakistan have always stood by them and supported them in all respects therefore the govt of Pakistan has always been doing the same thing because this is enjoin on the govt from the constitution and this is also part of Pakistan’s political heritage, this also fits in Pakistani identity derived from and based on Islam that it must reflect these values in its foreign policy.
Q.2 Illustrate Pakistan’s anti colonialism policy. Elaborate Pakistan’s efforts to support the anti-colonial movements in the former Italian colonies in Africa
Anticolonialism in the twentieth and twenty-first century refers to two interconnected concepts: a historical event and a critical analytic. As a historical event, anticolonialism means the struggle against imperial rule in colonized countries, mostly during the first half of the twentieth century. As a philosophical movement and critical analytic, anticolonialism is the under-acknowledged predecessor to postcolonial theory. In addition to agitating for national independence and postcolonial nationalism, anticolonial thinkers and activists debated the necessity of political solidarity as well as international cooperation – from Afro-Asian Solidarity to the Non-Aligned Movement (both of which were debated, together, at the 1955 Afro-Asian Conference at Bandung, Indonesia). Consequently, the history of anticolonialism as a theoretical and political practice illuminates an historical and analytical trajectory between the colonized world, the Third World, and the contemporary Global South.
Although anticolonial critique has come from across the world (and from within British, French, and Spanish Empires), this entry will focus on anticolonial agitation and philosophy from South Asia, Africa, and Latin America. These regions were highly active in anticolonial political organizing in the twentieth century and continue to form the bulk of the theoretical material on the complicated (and often unfinished) transition from occupation to freedom. Secondly, although anticolonialism — as a concept, practice, and philosophy — existed well in advance of 1900, this brief essay focuses on the forms of anticolonialism that have had the most sustained impact in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.
Anticolonialism as a historical event took many different forms across the world. South Asian anticolonial movements are generally considered to have taken place from the 1920s to 1947, the year in which India and Pakistan gained independence, although much anticolonial writing during this period references earlier moments, such as the 1857 Indian Mutiny. M.K. Gandhi’s anticolonial movement most famously employed tactics of non-violent resistance (ahimsa) against British Rule in India (see especially Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj ). Gandhi’s methods were in direct contrast to other forms of anticolonial agitation in South Asia, namely revolutionary anticolonialism and nationalist anticolonialism. Revolutionary anticolonialism, especially in Punjab and Bengal, sometimes employed strategies of violent revolt against the colonial regime. It was deemed “terrorism” by the British Raj; however, the preferred description, “revolutionary,” signals its affiliation with previous democratic and socialist revolutions, especially the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. Bhagat Singh was a well-known adversary of Gandhi and a champion for revolutionary anticolonial agitation. Because Gandhi thought seriously about violence and revolutionary anticolonialists thought seriously about non-violence, “violence” is not necessarily a clean axis along which to separate these movements. Rather, they were often in conversation (if disagreement) with one another. Nationalist anticolonialism relied on a variety of different tactics but its focus was on defining the nation as an ethnically, religiously, or politically homogenous unit. In the context of British India, this includes most notably V.D. Savarkar’s xenophobic Hindutva (1923) movement, which argued that true anticolonialism would rid the pure Hindu Indian nation of its two alleged “invaders”: Muslims, as well as the British.
Anticolonialism in anglophone Africa — which includes countries that are today Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and South Africa — is generally considered to have taken place from the 1920s to the 1960s, with movements rapidly gaining strength in the years following World War II and Indian Independence. They were also motivated by black U.S. thought (including the work of Marcus Garvey and W.E.B. Du Bois, among others) as well as from Caribbean/black diasporic thought (C.LR. James, George Padmore, and others). Anglophone African anticolonialism was also inspired by successful anticolonial resistance in Ethiopia, where Ethiopians under Haile Selassie largely defeated Italy’s attempt at colonizing the country in 1935-1936. Communist anticolonialism refers to the influence of black British and American communist organizations on anglophone African anticolonialists, especially Kwame Nkrumah, Jomo Kenyatta, and Julius Nyerere. Communism, in different variations, was popular across Africa, and included urban and rural revitalization programs, attempts at wealth redistribution, and the implementation of welfare state bureaucracies. African communism differed in many respects from its Russian and Chinese counterparts, especially after the 1950s. Many of the communist anticolonial thinkers urged pan-Africanism as a tactic for anticolonial solidarity, urging cross-Africa cooperation in the face of colonial rule. In Kenya, the Mau Mau Revolution (1952-1960) was a violent uprising for national independence led largely by Kikuyu people; the British responded with a substantially more violent campaign against Kenyans. In South Africa, anticolonial agitation has a more complicated trajectory beginning at the end of the nineteenth century with the Boer War (1899-1902) and developing into resistance against Apartheid (1948-1991). Key figures here include Steve Biko, Nelson Mandela, and members of the African National Congress (ANC). Such thinkers trace their inspiration back to Nongqawuse, a Xhosa woman who famously (if disastrously) prophesied the end of colonial rule during the 1857-1858 southern African famine.
French-ruled Africa — which includes countries that are now Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Senegal, Mali, and Cameroon — faced much different problems than that of British-ruled Africa. Where the British believed themselves to oversee a collection of semi-autonomous dominions, the French believed every part of their empire to be a part of mainland France itself. The resulting French policies were founded on theoretical equality but pragmatically relied on forced assimilation of African people into a “French civilization.” While much anticolonial agitation against France demanded equality (equalité), other anticolonial agitators critiqued this value as blindly European and demanded a return to African forms of life, justice, and inclusion. A majority of anticolonial activity took place in Paris rather than in the colonies. Consequently, the most immediately vibrant forms of anticolonial philosophy (discussed below) emerged out of francophone African anticolonialism. There are notable exceptions to this metropolitan movement. In 1954, Algerians founded the Front de LibérationNationale (FLN) and announced war against French occupation until 1962. The FLN relied largely on guerilla tactics for its anticolonial struggle and, despite having Frantz Fanon as its spokesperson, did not consider itself to be an intellectually or ideologically driven movement. It did have as its social mission a vaguely communist interest in land redistribution and agrarian reform. Morocco, which had been occupied by the French and the Spanish after 1912, gained independence in 1952. In 1970, the Polisario Front, made up of Sahrawi people in what is today Western Sahara, demanded independence from Spain in the Green Revolution, only to be annexed by Morocco.
In Latin America, anticolonial struggles date back much further than the twentieth century. Nevertheless, the early twentieth century witnessed the resurgence of anticolonialism in the form of protests, armed coups, and other movements. Because formal colonization by the Spanish and Portuguese had ended in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, these new and revived anticolonial struggles sought to define colonialism as cultural and economic dependency — where issues of economy, culture, and politics are determined by exterior forces — rather than straightforward occupation. Much anticolonial activism in Latin America centers around a critique of global capitalism. It therefore focuses on economic and cultural self-dependency rather than national independence. Emiliano Zapata’s 1910 revolution in Mexico inaugurates this tradition. Marxism took hold across Latin America in the 1920s and 1930s, with the founding of various Communist Parties in the wake of the Russian Revolution. The Peruvian José Carlos Mariátegui, inspired by the writings of Trotsky, Lenin, and Gramsci, as well as writings by Gandhi, Irish revolutionaries, and Mao, was one of the most influential Marxist critics to emerge in this period. A few decades later, after the Cuban Revolution in 1959, Che Guevara and Fidel Castro envisioned a “tricontinental” world, made up of Latin America, Africa, and colonial Asia that could stand in solidarity against forces from the economic and military powers of the Global North. Tricontinentalism, in turn, would lay the groundwork for what would become the “Global South” in the wake of the Cold War.
Anticolonial philosophy — or anticolonialism as a theoretical and analytic tool — generally argues for the benefits of ending colonial rule, but not without complication. Many anticolonial philosophers engaged with European philosophy not because of its intellectual strength, but to reveal the contradictions between Europe’s optimistic vision for itself and the horrors of its colonial project. Anticolonial thinkers, moreover, often debated the necessary aesthetic forms that should accompany (or inspire) political activism.
Although described in its pragmatic forms above, Gandhi’s theory of nonviolence was an esoteric and complicated re-working of classical Hindu texts, especially the Bhagavad Gita (Desai, ed., 1946). As a theory, Gandhi’s nonviolence and the nation it would eventually engender are concerned with “experiments,” in Gandhi’s words (Gandhi, 1929). Gandhi has been recently recuperated as a philosopher and political theorist in South Asian studies. His critics, meanwhile, developed robust ideas for the possibilities of violence, revolution, and forms of cosmopolitanism — particularly in response to Gandhi’s insistent return to autonomous villages as the unit of political life. B.R. Ambedkar, a Dalit (“untouchable”) activist, argued that Gandhi’s anticolonialism would not prevent the subsequent “colonialism” by upper-caste Hindus of lower-caste Hindus and Muslims (Ambedkar 1936). M.A. Jinnah, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan, meanwhile, tried to re-envision the form of the nation-state so that it could be based in the protection of rights-bearing minorities rather than geographically located.
In anglophone Africa, Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah, and Julius Nyerere shared a biographical history of academic training in addition to their shared concern with pan-Africanism. Their anticolonial philosophies reflect an engagement with transatlantic philosophy and anthropology. Kenyatta’s dissertation, Facing Mt. Kenya (1938), is both an anthropological account of the Gikuyu people and an anticolonial argument for the end of British occupation. Anticolonial theory and postcolonial theory have gone hand-in-hand in anglophone Africa, and anticolonialism is the name given to the struggles against the lingering effects of colonial rule. In the 1970s, literary critic NgugiwaThiong’o, together with Taban Lo Liyong and Henry Onwuor-Anyumba, proposed the abolition of the English department at the University of Nairobi as a way to “decolonize the mind” (1972). Ngugi in particular argued that colonialism continues to work long after the end of formal colonial rule, especially aesthetically and psychologically. In another vein, Kwame Nkrumah’s complex Neo-Colonialism (1965) is an argument against the continued economic dependency of independent Ghana on the economic powers of the Global North. Such economic dependency, Nkrumah argued, is made possible by the evacuation of resources during colonial rule in order to create a sustained debt, dependency, and poverty in the Global South.
In francophone Africa, anticolonial thinkers debated the merits of créolité, méstissage, and négritude. Créolité and méstissage refer to practices — aesthetic, political, and social — of hybridity in the wake of French colonial rule. Négritude, on the other hand, often referred to self-consciously nostalgic return to pre-colonial practices. Négritude was not naïve about the pre-colonial past, but rather thought seriously about the ways in which the pre-colonial was indelibly shaped by the effects of colonial rule. Frantz Fanon, the most famous of the French anticolonial theorists, was well versed in psychoanalysis, existentialism, and phenomenology. His writings concerning violence remain some of the most influential anticolonial philosophical works in print. In The Wretched of the Earth (1961), for instance, Fanon considers the merits and harms of violent response to colonial rule, which is itself always violent, at both psychological and physical levels. Although physical violence will likely result in national independence (and therefore might be necessary), Fanon argues, it will only replace European leaders with African leaders rather than abolish hierarchy and the “nervous conditions” that colonialism creates. Rather, Fanon argues that the Third World must “endeavor to create a new man” that will refuse to replicate European injustices with new faces, and, instead, envision alternative ethics, politics, and aesthetic protocols for a more egalitarian world.
The most common trait that anticolonial philosophies share, despite their differences, is a concern with the world after colonialism. Sometimes this included a vision of the independent nation, but more often than not anticolonialism was concerned with the world that decolonized nations were to inherit collectively. Anticolonialism was both a practice of national independence as well as a way of imagining a properly postcolonial world beyond one’s own national borders. Like the strongest strains of postcolonial theory, anticolonial philosophy was self-consciously rooted in a particular time and place but took as its object of analysis huge questions of history, literature, and the entire world. It was therefore both particularist and universalist at the same time, and, unlike its European philosophical counterparts, was well aware of this contradiction. From this paradox, however, anticolonial thinkers productively thought not only about the world after colonial rule, but the world after the end of colonialist authoritarianism that has lasted well beyond formal national independence.
Q.3 Analyze Pak-Soviet relations during the 1970s.
Because of progressing Soviet help to socialist Afghanistan with respect to the Durand Line issue during the last part of the 1970s and 1980s, Pakistan started to help Mujahideen rebels endeavoring to topple the Soviet-upheld socialist system and was later supported by the United States, United Kingdom, China, and Saudi Arabia.
The Soviet Union–Pakistan relations (Russian: СоюзСоветскихСоциалистическихРеспублик -Пакистан; or USSR-Pakistan relations) refers to historical, political, international, and cultural relationships between the state of Pakistan and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Establishing cultural and bilateral connections between Moscow and Karachi on May 1, 1948, the relations were succeed and predate the post-Soviet Russo-Pakistan relations (1991–present).
In 1965, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto first paid a state visit to Moscow and brought a great achievement to resolve territorial and political difference between the two countries. On April 3, 1965, President Ayub Khan paid a first ever state visit to Moscow in a view to established a strong cultural relations with the people of the USSR. Publicly, President Ayub Khan thanked Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin, and quoted:”Soviet Union is our next door neighbor with which Pakistan had close friendly connections in the past.” During this visit, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Andrei Gromyko signed the agreements in the field of trade, economic cooperation and cultural exchange.
As the result of President Khan’s visit to the Soviet Union, both countries concluded another agreement for cultural exchanges that was signed on 5 June 1965. This agreement was on the basis of exchange the academicians, scholars, scientists, artists, sportsmen, and also the exchange of music records, radio and television programs. During the signing ceremony of this cultural agreement, S.K. Romonovsky, the Soviet Cultural Minister quoted that “many pacts between two countries would help towards better understanding among the people of Pakistan and the USSR.” Finally, on 17 April 1968, Premier Kosygin paid a visit to Pakistan and was welcomed by President Ayub and the Pakistan’s civil society members with cordial manner. During his visit Alexi Kosygin said: “that relations between Pakistan and the Soviet Union are very good indeed and we should want more and more to strengthen and better them.”
The Soviet Premier’s visit in April 1968 was the first of its kind state visit and was of outstanding significance. Kosygin agreed to the granting of aid for a steel mill, a nuclear power plant and also economic aid on a broad range of development projects. Quiet importantly, the first Soviet-Pakistan arms deal was made in 1968, which caused protests from India. During the time of Kosygin’s reception, renowned poet HafeezJullundhri, sang out a poem, comparing Kosygin’s visit to the coming of the dawn, which would bring self-determination and justice to the Kashmiri people. Kosygin enjoyed the amusing poetry, but remained silent on this issue. Alexei Kosygin said:
There were many forces in the world which did not want to see friendship growing between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and Pakistan. Pakistan would achieve great success in all spheres under the leadership of President Muhammad Ayub Khan
Trade and Economic relations
The Soviet Union had been long associated with Pakistan to help built its technical industries and consortium since late 1950s. In 1950, Soviet Union and Pakistan established the multibillion-dollar worth Pakistan Oilfields (it was known as Pakistan-Soviet Oil Fields). In 1969, the Pakistan Government employed “V/o TyazPromexport”, a USSR technical consortium, for vertically integrated steel mills in Karachi, Sindh Province. In 1971, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto succeeded to bring full-scale Soviet investment in this project, and laid the foundations of the steel mills in 1972 with the help of Soviet Union.
In 1980–85, the Soviet direct investment increased from 10% to 15% after officially signing an economic cooperation agreement in 1985. The overall 1.6% of all Pakistan’s exports were accounted in 1981, which increased to 2.5% in 1985. Particularly, the Soviet material exports exceeded the imports in three-fold method in early 1980. Unlike, India, the USSR and Pakistan were able to continue the trade of their preferable machinery and technical goods, whilst also cooperated in agricultural products. However, the Soviet Union maintained its restriction to exploit its military equipment and technology to Pakistan, instead offering an economic package (restrictively based on civilian basis) to Pakistan in 1981. Instead, Pakistan went to secure the arms deal with the United States in 1981, including the acquisition of F-16 fighter jets.
In April 1981, Pakistan and Soviet Union formed a joint private company to start the manufacture of the agriculture tractors, for which Soviet Union offered $20 million US dollars. In November 1981, the Soviet Ambassador to Pakistan, V.S. Smirnov, publicly announced that the USSR was ready to provide the financial and technical assistance to set up the export-oriented industries. In 1983, the USSR agreeably sold components of oil-drilled equipment for the construction of the Multan Heavy Water Reactor (Multan-I). In 1985, with Soviet presence, President Zia-ul-Haq inaugurated the vertically integrated and the largest Steel Mill in the South Asia, the Pakistan Steel Mills in Karachi, on 15 January 1985. This project was completed at a capital cost of Rs.24,700 million; and even as today, the Steel Mills maintains a respected history and great symbol for the relations of USSR and Pakistan.
Cooperation in Energy sector
In November 1981, the USSR financially funded and solely establishing the Guddo Thermal Power Station, and surprise Pakistan by offering to build a second nuclear power plant in May 1981. On 1 March 1990, the USSR again offered its nuclear deal with Pakistan and officially stated that the Pakistan has to increase its power generation needs and the USSR Ambassador to Pakistan, V.P. Yakunin, quoted that “once the required guarantees are provided, there is no harm in supplying a nuclear power plant to Pakistan.” The Pakistan Production Minister, Shahid Zafar immediately traveled to Moscow for such offer and discussed the issue on a visit; this was followed by Foreign Secretary of Pakistan, Tanveer Ahmad, shortly visiting the country. However, after analyzing the technology, Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan (Prime minister at that time) rebuffed the plan and a made move to secure French deal which also went into cold storage.
Political relations with Left-wing sphere of Pakistan
As late in 1960s, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had been determined to oust the United States and the Central Intelligence Agency, and subsequently paid visit to Soviet Union as early in 1974. Since then, Pakistan Peoples Party had been sympathetic to the Soviet Union, although it never allied with the Soviet Union nor the United States. The Soviet Union had extremely close relations with the Awami National Party (ANP) and the Communist Party of Pakistan. The Awami National Party, since its inception, has been a staunch and loyal supporter of the Soviet Union. In 1980s, the ANP had strong link that traced back to the Soviet Union and its entire leadership escaped to the Soviet Union and the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, whilst the third and second leadership took refuge in Afghanistan, the first and top level leadership was given asylum in Moscow and parts of the Soviet Union by the Soviet government.
During the period of 1977–91, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) started its covert political activities through the Awami National Party, many of its senior leadership served Soviets intermediary and advisers. The ANP and the PPP and other leftist entities formed the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) that began to resisted Zia’s right-wing alliance, who had been supporting the Afghan mujaheddin factions in Soviet Afghanistan. During the most of 1980s, the ANP demanded the end of backing of Afghan mujaheddin and acceptance of Kabul’s terms for speedy repatriation. In 1987, calculations completed by Pakistan Institute of Public Opinions (PIPO), around ~66% of party’s respondents expressed themselves against Pakistan’s continuing support of Afghan mujahideen.
However, the MRD suffered many set backs because of its pro-Leninist stance which was not the “line” of Kremlin at that time. The events that led the collapse of the Soviet Union shattered Pakistan’s left. It almost disappeared, until Benazir Bhutto succeeded to unite the scattered leftists mass, which integrated into the PPP, and turned the radical and pro-Soviet leftists into more Social democracy with the principles of democratic socialism and after the death of Bhutto’s daughter it is the PTI chairman imran Khan who is nowadays a leftist social democratic leader and closely allied with pro-China line.
Relations between Pakistan and the Soviet Union fell to a low point following the Soviet Union’s military involvement in Afghanistan. Pakistan supported the anti-communist and religious extremist Mujahedeen forces who fought to overthrow the communist Afghan Government, which had usurped power in the Saur revolution in 1978, whereas the Soviets, ostensibly to support the communist People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan, entered Afghanistan, staged a coup, killed Hafizullah Amin, and installed Soviet loyalist BabrakKarmal as leader.
Pakistani support for the Mujahideen later brought in the involvement of the United Kingdom, the United States, Saudi Arabia and China’s support for the same anti-Soviet cause. Pakistan would receive aid from other Muslim nations, China, and the US in the advent of war by the USSR according to General Zia. American presence in Pakistan as well as anti-Soviet/communist Mujahideen havens resulted in Soviet attempts to bombard targets in Pakistan by air that were seen as a threat to the security of Soviet forces in Afghanistan. Some of these resulted in air to air skirmishes between the Soviet Air Force and the Pakistan Air Force (PAF).
Q.4 Describe the role played by Pakistan for different UN bodies the ECOSOC, IFCSUNFED and ICCICA
ECOSOC was established in 1945 under the UN Charter to promote international economic cooperation and oversee the work of all international economic organizations. Pakistan has been elected as ECOSOC President six times. “It has been an honor to serve as the President of ECOSOC.
Pakistan has completed its presidency of the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), after leading the 54-member body amidst the deadly coronavirus pandemic that created the greatest economic and social crisis especially in the developing countries.
“It was a unique experience,” Ambassador MunirAkram said, as he handed over the presidency to Botswana’s Ambassador Collen Vixen Kelapile at a ceremony. Several ambassadors, including the Chinese, Tunisian, Thai and Botswanan, paid high tributes to Ambassador Akram’s leadership during a period that led to a consensus on debt relief and restructuring to enable Covid-hit nations build back better.
Ambassador Akram was elected last year for the second time to head ECOSOC, which is the third principal organ of the UN, along with the General Assembly and Security Council. He last served in that capacity in 2005. The only other ambassador to have had this distinction was Juan Somavia of Chile, the former Director-General of the International Labour Organization (ILO).
ECOSOC was established in 1945 under the UN Charter to promote international economic cooperation and oversee the work of all international economic organizations. Pakistan has been elected as ECOSOC President six times.
In his remarks, Akram said that throughout the past year, the ECOSOC was at the centre of the intense international discourse on ways and means to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic and its consequences, while also persisting in the endeavour to implement Agenda 2030 and the SDGs and avert the existential threat of a climate catastrophe.
During the year, he said the ECOSOC made its contribution to building the responses to these challenges; it set out the actions needed to provide “a vaccine for all”. Unfortunately, Akram said the challenges the international community faces are far from being overcome, noting WHO Director-General recent statement that the world is failing the test of solidarity in assuring the availability of the COVID vaccine to all.
“If we fail this test, we will put in jeopardy the lives and livelihoods of hundreds of millions of people in the developing world as well as the prospects of a quick recovery of the world economy.”
Despite the consensus in ECOSOC, the Pakistani envoy said, the developing world has yet to find the financing needed to recover from the recession and economic downturn triggered by the pandemic. He said burden of debt is triggering the collapse of weaker economies. With large financial injections, the rich are recovering, while poor slide further into poverty even as new strains of the virus spread to unvaccinated populations.
“The promises of vaccine unity, larger concessional funds SDR creation and reallocation, must be fulfilled on an emergency basis,” Ambassador Akram said.
Actions on climate and the environment also hang in the balance, as there is so far no assurance that the developed countries will fulfill their promise of providing $100 billion in climate finance annually, he said.
“Unless there are visible steps taken towards international solidarity, the success of COP26, and achievement of the goals and objectives of the Paris Agreements, will be in jeopardy.” He wished success to Ambassador Kelapile, hoping that under his leadership, the ECOSOC will respond actively and boldly to meet these challenges during the next year.